Thursday, March 29, 2012

Severability and Possible Judicial Power Grab?

The Supreme Court of the United States has heard, over the last three days, several arguments on President Obama’s Health Care plan. I wish to examine and extrapolate on the proceedings of this case, in particular the arguments heard on the morning of Wednesday the 28th.

                The arguments heard on Wednesday morning were debating the severability of the Health Care statute. The “severability” of a statute (or bill) is that bill’s ability to still be a working piece of legislation without certain provisions (or aspects) of the bill in place. The positions that were advocated were: 1. The bill is not severable, if the individual mandate is declared unconstitutional then the rest of the bill should fall. 2. The Court does not have the ability to consider the question of severability because the other provisions of the bill apply to people who are not litigating before the court. 3. The bill is severable, and if the individual mandate is declared unconstitutional then the rest of the bill can still stand. Allow me to dissect the political jargon in those positions; for some back ground into the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the “individual mandate” is a mandate (or federal requirement) that every person has health insurance by 2014 or pays a penalty. Two other key provisions are the “guaranteed-issue,” (that everyone has insurance available to them regardless of health risk) and “community-rating” (where everyone is charged the same price for the same type of coverage at the same age without any other type of discrimination)

                Back, briefly, to the issue of the individual mandate; I do not plan to burden you with my two-bits-worth opinion about the individual mandate, but I will give you two quotes from the arguments brought before the Supreme Court,

                “Here [in this bill] Congress is regulating existing commerce, economic activity that is already going on – people’s participation in the health-care market”

-          Donald Verrilli

-          Solicitor General, representing the government

Then in response,

“The Commerce Clause gives Congress the power to regulate existing commerce. It does not give Congress the far greater power to compel people to enter commerce.”

-          Paul Clement

-          Former Solicitor General, representing opponents to the law

You may decide whether the individual mandate is constitutional. In making its decision concerning the individual mandate along with the rest of the questions debated this week, the Court must also address severability. As I read and listened to the official court transcript concerning the question of severability, I noticed something that came up repeatedly throughout it. The Justices kept asking for an example of a case on severability that was close to this one.

JUSTICE SCALIA: Mr. Kneedler… When have we ever really struck down what was the main purpose of the Act, and left the rest in effect?

MR. KNEEDLER: There is no example -

JUSTICE SCALIA: There is no example. This is really -

MR. KNEEDLER: — to our — to our — that we have found that suggests the contrary.

JUSTICE SCALIA: This is really a case of first impression. I don't know another case where we have been confronted with this — with this decision.

Can you take out the heart of the Act and leave everything else in place?”

Then again when the Amicus Curiae (friend of the court) was advocating his position,

“JUSTICE BREYER: I would say stay out of politics. That's for Congress; not us. But the, the question here is, you've read all these cases, or dozens, have you ever found a severability case where the Court ever said: Well, the heart of the thing is gone; and, therefore, we strike down these other provisions that have nothing to do with it which could stand on their feet independently and can be funded separately or don't require money at all.

MR. FARR: I think the accurate answer would be, I am not aware of a modern case that says that. [I] think there probably are cases in the '20s and '30s that would be more like that.”

                For some reason the Justices kept pushing that question; a question that I believe they already knew the answer to, since after Mr. Farr’s answer they seemed satisfied. I believe they are well aware of the position of power they are now in. Most Acts of Congress include something called a “severability clause” that explains that if part of the bill is struck down the rest will remain in effect and continue to function. While the final decision concerning constitutionality is still with the Court, when a severability clause is present the Court has to come up with a very good reason to strike down the entire Act. However in the Affordable Care Act, the severability clause was left out. In fact there was no severability language included anywhere in the bill. The Supreme Court now has been empowered with deciding on a much larger scale than any previous case, legislative intent. In other words they can decide, “What did Congress mean to do?” Did Congress intend for elements such as guaranteed issue or community rating to continue in effect even if there is no individual mandate? While severability cases have existed in the past, they have never dealt with something quite this massive in scale.

                The undertone of all this is that the Court has the potential to exercise what some might see as judicial activism. At a minimum, they might establish a potentially far-reaching precedent concerning severability. In June we will see what kind of power the Court chooses to exercise.  I think the opinions will make for some interesting reading.




All direct quotes are from the Official Transcript of Florida v. Department of Health and Human Services, copies for all 3 days of hearings can be found on NPR’s website.

Thursday, March 8, 2012

Cyber-Paranoia

               Cyber warfare has increased importance in today’s security questions, and Leslie Harris, in her blog post for the Huffington Post, NSA’s Cyber Power Grab  expresses her worry that the proposed SECURE_IT Act will allow military organizations to infringe on the privacy of ordinary people.
 Leslie Harris is the President and CEO of the Center for Democracy & Technology and has testified before Congress on matters related to technology. In her post, Harris seems to be targeting a general audience who has very little if any knowledge about the NSA (National Security Agency) and the “information sharing” proposed by the SECURE_IT Act. Harris claims that this Act, proposed by a group of Republican Senators including John McCain, would give a great deal of liberty to the NSA regarding what types and how much information they could access. Her argument is that the new bill “authorizes sharing that goes beyond what is truly necessary to describe a cyber threat or to engage in self- defense…” She asserts that the SECURE_IT Act does not create explicit limitations on what types of information that would be acquired from the “private sector.”
               Harris is obviously no fool. She is, after all, President and CEO for the Center for Democracy & Technology and has experience as a lobbyist; thus she understands concerns that businesses would have with the “sharing of information.” Yet her post is targeted towards the average Joe, not to the well-informed business head. She introduces two “cyber security bills,” SECURE_IT, and the Lieberman-Collins bill; both she claims grant too much power to the government to “share cyber attack information.” She does not explain what exactly the two bills propose that makes them “too much,” nor does she even explain what she means by “sharing information.” While that might be perfectly all right for some one well informed in the area, no average citizen will understand what she is talking about.  In order to scare her public readers into believing this proposed bill is a serious threat she uses scare tactics saying “What could be shared under the Republican bill? How about images from the drones that the FAA will soon be licensing to conduct private surveillance in the U.S….” and continues in on the “black helicopter” mentality by asserting that the government will abuse its power by getting surveillance footage of people entering “sensitive locations” like sports stadiums and airports.  First of all where did this assertion come from?  There is a link to a post on what appears to be her own company's website asserting that upcoming rulemaking action by the FAA (Federal Aviation Administration, which deals with civilian air control) will enable widespread licensing of civilian drones. (Granted, such drones would be privately owned since the military would not need a license from the FAA.)  But initiation of a regulatory structure for civilian drones is no indication there will soon be swarms of private drones monitoring us.  Harris simply does not substantiate her claims with direct evidence nor does she present anything more specific as a problem than broad authorization for “information sharing.”  I think that both evidence and specific examples would be necessary both to clarify and to substantiate her stated concerns. 
               I believe that the idea behind the bill that she takes issue with, is to heighten the government’s ability to respond to and or prevent “cyber-attacks” (or in other terms, sophisticated hacks or breaches in secure networks) in both “private” and government sectors. The reason the need for better cyber-security has been a subject of popular debate recently is due to numerous, well-publicized major breaches by hackers over the last few years including the hack of global intelligence company Stratfor that involved information from clients including the US Defense Department, the Army, and the Air force.
               Obviously the threat is real and obscuring that threat by claiming that it is a government attempt to spy on its own people comes across as simply cyber-paranoia.  If there are issues to be raised about the proposed bills related to civil liberties or economic considerations, those issues deserve a more comprehensive and convincing airing.
               For more information about the two bills, the SECURE_IT Act and the Lieberman-Collins bill please read Cybersecurity Bills Duel Over Rules for Firms from The Wall Street Journal by Siobhan Gorman.